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Chaco Was Deb Haaland’s New Mexico Test — and She Failed It

Deb Haaland’s Chaco decision was sold as protection, but the full New Mexico story is more complicated: tribal division, unresolved ethics questions, activism ties, and real concern over future energy jobs and revenues.

Chaco Was Deb Haaland’s New Mexico Test — and She Failed It

For Deb Haaland, Chaco was never just another federal land decision. It was personal, political, and ideological long before it became official.

That is what makes the Chaco story so important.

When Haaland, as secretary of the Interior, moved to lock up federal lands around Chaco from new oil and gas leasing for 20 years, her allies celebrated it as a sacred-land victory. Her defenders framed it as overdue stewardship. Her supporters cast it as proof that Native voices were finally being heard in Washington.

But that version leaves out the most uncomfortable part of the story: Chaco was also one of the clearest examples of a public official carrying long-held activism into an office that required impartial stewardship.

That matters in any administration. It matters even more in New Mexico, where land, tribal sovereignty, energy development, and public revenue are inseparable from one another.

The facts alone should have triggered scrutiny. Haaland had publicly aligned herself with stronger Chaco protections before she ever became Interior secretary. Then, once in office, she personally announced the 20-year withdrawal of federal lands within 10 miles of Chaco from new oil and gas leasing. Critics argued that the line between advocate and regulator had collapsed.

That criticism intensified because her daughter was tied to Pueblo Action Alliance, an activist group that had openly pushed for restrictions on leasing in the Greater Chaco area. Her husband’s work tied to Laguna-affiliated interests also drew attention from investigators and watchdog groups.

That is not a small appearance problem. That is the sort of overlap that should make any serious public servant hyper-cautious.

Maybe that is why the story never sat right with so many people outside the activist bubble. Even if no formal ethics penalty ever landed, the impartiality issue never disappeared. The question was never only whether Haaland technically violated some narrow rule. The deeper question was whether New Mexicans were watching a secretary of the Interior act as a neutral steward of federal authority, or as someone carrying a long-running political and cultural cause into an office that demanded distance and restraint.

On that test, the appearance was terrible.

And Chaco was not even a simple “tribes versus drilling” story, no matter how often it was sold that way.

Some tribes, pueblos, and preservation groups strongly supported the withdrawal and viewed it as essential to protecting a sacred and culturally significant landscape. That support was real. But so was the opposition. The Navajo Nation government opposed the broader 10-mile withdrawal and said the administration had ignored its request for a narrower 5-mile buffer. Navajo officials and advocates argued that the decision threatened economic opportunity, affected allottees, and disrupted a region where oil and gas work is tied to jobs, income, and the ability of some families to remain on their land.

That split should have changed the entire media framing.

Instead of asking whether Haaland had imposed an activist solution on a divided Native landscape, much of the public narrative pretended the decision represented a single tribal consensus. It did not. Chaco crossed directly into tribal nations, tribal governments, tribal advocacy networks, and tribal economic concerns — and those voices were not all saying the same thing.

That is what makes the decision politically potent to this day. Haaland did not merely side with Native communities. She sided with some Native voices over others, while using federal power in a way that raised serious questions about impartiality.

New Mexico also paid a price in the broader energy and economic picture.

The Chaco withdrawal did not wipe out every existing lease, but it signaled the same larger message that defined Haaland’s Interior Department: energy-producing regions in the West were increasingly governed through restriction, delay, and activist pressure rather than predictable stewardship. In a state where oil and gas revenues matter, where rural jobs matter, and where economic fragility is not theoretical, that message carried real weight. Critics of the withdrawal argued that it would further chill development, narrow future options, and add another burden to northwestern New Mexico communities already squeezed between cultural, regulatory, and economic pressures.

That is the part many New Mexico voters understand instinctively. A decision does not have to erase every current job tomorrow to still threaten future work, future leasing, future royalties, future services, and future certainty.

And that is why Chaco should not be dismissed as just another culture-war fight over public lands.

It was a test of how Haaland governed when activism, identity, federal power, and New Mexico economics all collided in one place. Instead of stepping back from the appearance problem, she stepped into it. Instead of demonstrating neutral stewardship across competing interests, she aligned herself with one side of a fractured landscape and used the authority of her office to make it official.

If that had happened under a Republican secretary with comparable family and activist overlap, New Mexico’s political press corps would have called it a scandal every week.

The Chaco story also fits a broader pattern from Haaland’s tenure. The same Interior Department later drew criticism for bloated and questionable management structures, including the Federal Consulting Group episode involving tens of millions in survey-related work and an attempted much larger contract that DOGE later highlighted and shut down. That is not the same issue as Chaco, and it should not be overplayed. But it reinforces a governing style that critics say too often mixed ideological confidence with weak administrative discipline.

That pattern is the real story.

Haaland’s defenders want Chaco remembered as a triumph of protection. Her critics should insist on a fuller record: a secretary with activist proximity, a divided tribal landscape, unresolved ethics questions, and a decision that carried real consequences for New Mexico’s energy future.

Chaco was not just a land-use action.

It was a case study in what happens when activism stops orbiting power and starts wearing the badge.

Source Notes

Duke of New Mexico

Duke of New Mexico

The Duke leads research and writing for our State News division. He hails from New Mexico, is a veteran, and holds a masters degree. He also has a background in leadership, talent management, human resources, and strategic planning.

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